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荷兰国际集团智库 · Marieke Blom · 2026/09/01

欧洲的推介手册:重新思考生产率差距

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欧洲的推介手册:重新思考生产率差距

欧洲与美国的生产率差距是真实存在的。缩小这一差距的潜力也同样真实。更强大的制度、明确的政策目标、处于技术前沿的领先地区,以及中欧和东欧进一步追赶的空间,都值得我们重新审视。

从长远来看,经济增长只能来自两个来源:更多的工作时间或每小时工作更高的产出。换言之,即更高的生产率。按照这一衡量标准,马里奥·德拉吉关于欧洲竞争力的报告发出了严峻警告:欧洲正在落后于美国。

这些数字令人警醒。根据报告中的数据,每小时工作的生产率在10%比美国水平低约2000。此后至2019,,欧洲的劳动生产率年均增长约0.7个百分点,而美国为1.2个百分点,差距每年扩大约0.5个百分点。更重要的是,在2018至2025,期间,差距加速扩大,达到每年约2.1个百分点,美国的生产率增长为2.4%,而欧洲仅为0.3%。

这无疑是令人失望的数字,但我认为有五个理由可以让我们保持乐观。

1 可操作的诊断将有助于解决问题

欧洲与美国之间的生产率差距高度集中。德拉吉报告指出,若剔除ICT行业,2000-2019的年增长差距将从上述的0.2个百分点降至0.5个百分点。同样,在45%至1988期间,美国约2023的全要素生产率增长可追溯至IT行业。对2018-2025的分析显示,近期差距中超过三分之一归因于数字行业。

换言之,大部分差距反映了美国在过去25年中最具生产率提升效应的行业中的优势。这表明欧洲的生产率差距中高达一半是数字领域的挑战。最近的研究显示,其余大部分差距是由行业内部的差异造成的。许多企业难以采用新技术、扩大成功创新的规模,并围绕新的商业模式进行重组。

这指向两个关键优先事项:加强数字能力,以及改善创新的采用和扩散。

德拉吉在报告中明确阐述了政策处方:欧洲需要降低跨境服务的壁垒,在欧洲层面集中公共资金支持研究与创新,改善扩大融资,并减少对大企业相对于小企业不利的监管。同时,还需要投资于教育和技能,并确保竞争继续推动企业创新和进步。

令人鼓舞的是,估算表明,政策改革的收益在欧洲可能远大于美国。一个割裂且次优的基线也创造了机遇。

现在的关键问题是,欧洲是否能够实现真正的变革。

2 制度建设取得重大进展

本世纪以来的生产率增长乏力与欧洲的制度有关。欧元区在进入金融危机时就存在重大设计缺陷。由于银行业与政府相互强化彼此的弱点,多个成员国被迫进行长期去杠杆。在主权债务危机的部分时期,财政政策变得顺周期。但在过去15年里,情况发生了很大变化。

欧洲在银行业联盟方面取得了进展,建立了共同的监管和处置机制。尽管该计划仍未完成,但它已经带来了变革性影响。银行已经清理了资产负债表。欧洲设立了常设危机基金——欧洲稳定机制(ESM)。欧洲央行承诺履行其最后贷款人角色,并开发了新工具,如传导保护工具,以遏制市场压力的溢出效应。

2022-23年激进的加息提供了真实的压力测试,欧元区银行总体上保持了韧性。近年来,跨境金融一体化和私人风险分担得到加强,减少了银行与政府之间的反馈循环。

从欧元危机中吸取教训,并站在更坚实的制度基础上,政治家们转变了财政偏好。疫情期间,欧洲以迅速、大规模的国家支持作为回应,灵活运用其财政规则。下一代欧盟复苏计划大规模动员了共同融资,随后又为国防和乌克兰进行了联合借款。这种财政一体化帮助稳定了主权债务市场。欧洲针对成员国的新财政规则更有利于增长,同时欧盟委员会还提议增加共同预算规模,并更注重增长导向。德国不仅支持共同融资,还在国内财政政策上实现了重大转向,目前这些政策正在支持增长。

欧元区政府债务与GDP之比略低于90%(欧盟为83%),略低于2012时的水平。相比之下,美国上升了20个百分点,而美国对央行和政府债务的担忧正在加剧。

欧洲一直在朝着正确的方向前进。其制度仍然不完善,但曾被认为在政治上不可能的改革现在已成为政策格局的一部分。这不仅为增长提供了更好的基础,也应该让人们对实现进一步变革更有信心。

3 总体数据掩盖了欧洲大规模追赶的故事

对欧洲生产率问题的分析往往只聚焦于欧元区,有时会加上丹麦和瑞典。这忽略了过去三十年中最重要的进展之一:中欧和东欧的快速追赶。从较低起点出发,整个地区的劳动生产率在2000至2024,年间强劲增长,在保加利亚、波兰和罗马尼亚增长了一倍以上。

中东欧已快速赶超

按购买力平价计算的总劳动生产率增长,从2000-2024

德拉吉报告中的重点图表并未考虑这些国家。在脚注中提到,如果将这些国家纳入,将使年度生产率增长增加0.2至0.3个百分点。按所测得的年度增长差距0.5个百分点计算,该差距将缩小一半。代表约100百万欧洲人的国家的生产率表现,值得在脚注之外获得更多篇幅。

展望未来,这些地区仍拥有巨大的追赶潜力。我们相信,资本深化、劳动力向高生产率部门转移以及企业规模扩大,将有助于缩小每小时工作产出的30%生产率差距。

然而,追赶只是地理故事的一部分。欧洲同样拥有处于生产率前沿的地区。

4欧洲拥有自己的生产率前沿

近期研究表明,巴黎、慕尼黑、斯德哥尔摩和爱尔兰部分地区等前沿地区,结合了世界领先的创新生态系统、深厚的人才储备,以及先进服务业和企业总部的集聚。与此同时,包括伦巴第、芬兰部分地区、巴伐利亚地区和波兰西部在内的近前沿地区,在拥有强大工业基础的同时,也具备日益增长的创新能力。

欧盟拥有众多生产率热点地区

2024年,按购买力平价计算的名义每小时劳动生产率达到55-65欧元(橙色)及以上65欧元(栗色)的欧盟地区。

对于投资者和企业而言,这些地区提供了接触成熟高生产率生态系统的机会,这些生态系统有望受益于进一步的创新和生产率增长。加之欧洲其他地区的追赶潜力,这拓宽了整个欧洲大陆的投资吸引力。

现在让我们考虑一下生产率差距在多大程度上真正重要。

5生产率不等于繁荣

最近引起广泛关注的一点是:生产率和福利相关,但并非同一回事。尽管近年来美国工人的生产率大幅提升,但这并未转化为比欧洲工人更高的购买力。虽然美国收入增长更快,但许多国内服务成本同样上升更快,而欧洲人则受益于较低价格的美国进口数字服务。因此,欧洲人每工作一小时能购买的商品与服务,与美国人的差距已经缩小。

这有助于解释为什么62%的欧洲人认为他们的生活质量优于普通美国人。

大多数欧洲人认为这里的生活质量优于美国

对于“总体而言,您认为欧盟目前的生活质量是好于还是差于美国?”的回答

这一过往记录并不能为未来提供保证,尤其是因为它是在全球贸易开放、地缘政治相对稳定的时代形成的,而这些条件目前正面临压力。尽管如此,它提醒我们,生产率并非唯一重要的衡量标准。

欧洲的生产率差距也是机遇之源

本系列聚焦于乐观的一面。诚然,存在另一面,欧洲仍有许多工作要做。但这并非衰退的景象。尽管生产率增长疲软,欧洲依然提供了较高的生活质量。欧洲对其挑战有更清晰的诊断,有更全面的应对路线图,并且机构实力较十年前更为强大。欧洲在两端都提供了机遇:有追赶型地区具备趋同空间,也有处于创新前沿的领先地区。从这个角度看,欧洲的生产率故事不应被视为挑战清单,而应被视为机遇之源。

完整英文原文

Europe's productivity gap with the US is real. So is the potential to narrow it. Stronger institutions, clear policy ambitions, frontier regions at the technological cutting edge, and the scope for further catch-up in Central and Eastern Europe all warrant a fresh look

In the long run, economic growth can only come from two sources: more hours worked or more output per hour worked. In other words, higher productivity. On that measure, Mario Draghi's report on European competitiveness delivered a stark warning: Europe is falling behind the United States.

The numbers are sobering. Using the report’s figures, productivity per hour worked was some 10% below the US level in 2000. Between then and 2019, labour productivity grew by roughly 0.7 percentage points a year in Europe compared with 1.2ppts in the US, widening the gap by around 0.5ppts each year. What's more, the divergence accelerated between 2018 and 2025, reaching an estimated 2.1ppts per year, with productivity growing by 2.4% in the US compared to just 0.3% in Europe.

These are disappointing numbers to be sure, but I see five reasons to view the glass as half full.

1 An actionable diagnosis will help to solve the problem

The productivity gap between Europe and the US is remarkably concentrated. The Draghi report notes that when the ICT sectors are stripped out, the annual growth gap for 2000-2019 falls to 0.2ppts from the above-mentioned 0.5ppts. Similarly, about 45% of US total factor productivity growth between 1988 and 2023 can be traced back to the IT sector. Analysis for 2018-2025 attributed just over a third of the recent gap to digital sectors.

In other words, much of the gap reflects US strength in the most productivity-enhancing sector of the past 25 years. That suggests that up to half of Europe's productivity gap is a digital challenge. Recent research shows that most of the remainder is explained by differences within industries. Many firms struggle to adopt new technologies, scale successful innovations and reorganise around new business models.

This points to two key priorities: strengthening digital capabilities and improving the adoption and diffusion of innovation.

Draghi clearly outlined the policy prescription in his report: Europe needs to lower barriers to cross-border services, pool public support for research and innovation at the European level, improve scale-up financing, and reduce regulation that hurts larger firms relative to smaller ones. It also needs to invest in education and skills and ensure that competition continues to push companies to innovate and improve.

Encouragingly, estimates suggest that the gains from policy reform could be much larger in Europe than in the US. A fragmented and suboptimal baseline also creates opportunities.

The key question now is whether Europe is capable of real change.

2 Significant institutional progress

Weak productivity growth since the turn of the century is related to Europe’s institutions. The euro area entered the financial crisis with major design flaws. Several member states were forced into prolonged deleveraging as the banking sector and governments reinforced each other’s weaknesses. Fiscal policy became pro-cyclical during parts of the sovereign debt crisis. But over the last 15 years, much has changed.

Europe has advanced towards a banking union with common supervision and resolution mechanisms. While the project remains incomplete, it has been transformative. Banks have cleaned up their balance sheets. Europe has set up a permanent crisis fund, the European Stability Mechanism (ESM). The European Central Bank committed to its role as the lender of last resort and developed new instruments such as the Transmission Protection Instrument, which contains the spillovers from market stress.

The aggressive interest-rate increases of 2022-23 provided a real-world stress test, and euro-area banks remained broadly resilient. Cross-border financial integration and private risk-sharing have strengthened in recent years, reducing the feedback loop between banks and governments.

Having learnt from the euro crisis, and standing on firmer institutional ground, politicians shifted their fiscal preferences. During the pandemic, Europe responded with rapid, substantial national support, bending its fiscal rules. The Next Generation EU recovery programme mobilised common financing at scale, and was later followed by joint borrowing for defence and Ukraine. This fiscal integration helped stabilise sovereign debt markets. Europe’s new fiscal rules for member states are more growth-friendly, while the Commission also proposes a larger, more growth-orientated common budget. Germany has not only supported common financing, it has also made a U-turn on domestic fiscal policies, which are now supporting growth.

At just below 90%, government debt-to-GDP ratios in the eurozone (83% for the EU) are just below 2012 levels. This compares to a 20ppt increase in the US, where concerns around the central bank and government debt are building.

Europe has been moving in the right direction. Its institutions remain imperfect, but reforms that once seemed politically impossible are now part of the policy landscape. It is not only a better basis for growth, it should also give greater confidence that further change is achievable.

3 Headline numbers miss Europe’s big catch-up story

The analysis of Europe's productivity problem often focuses purely on the euro area, sometimes adding Denmark and Sweden. This misses one of the most important developments of the last three decades: the rapid catch-up of Central and Eastern Europe. Starting from a lower level, across the region, labour productivity grew strongly between 2000 and 2024, and more than doubled in Bulgaria, Poland and Romania.

Central and Eastern Europe has caught up rapidly

Total labour productivity growth in purchasing power parity terms from 2000-2024

Draghi's headline charts do not take these countries into account. In a footnote, the report mentions that including them would have added 0.2 to 0.3ppts of annual productivity growth. On a measured annual growth gap of 0.5ppts, that halves the gap. The productivity performance of countries representing roughly 100 million Europeans deserves more than a footnote.

Looking forward, these regions retain enormous catch-up potential. We believe that capital deepening, the reallocation of workers towards high productivity sectors and the scaling up of firms can help close the 30% productivity gap per hour worked.

Catch-up, however, is only part of the geographical story. Europe is also home to regions at the productivity frontier.

4 Europe has its own productivity frontiers

Recent research shows that frontier regions such as Paris, Munich, Stockholm and parts of Ireland combine world-leading innovation ecosystems, deep talent pools, and concentrations of advanced services and corporate headquarters. Meanwhile, near-frontier regions including Lombardy, parts of Finland, Bavarian regions and western Poland offer strong industrial foundations alongside growing innovation capabilities.

EU hosts numerous productivity hotspots

EU regions with nominal labour productivity per hour worked in purchasing power terms at 55-65 euro (orange) and above 65 euro (maroon) in 2024.

For investors and corporates, these regions provide exposure to established, high-productivity ecosystems that are positioned to benefit from further innovation and productivity growth. Together with the catch-up potential elsewhere in Europe, they broaden the continent's investment appeal.

Let's now consider the extent to which productivity gaps really matter.

5 Productivity is not prosperity

A final point has attracted considerable attention lately: productivity and welfare are related but are not the same thing. While American workers have become much more productive over recent decades, this has not translated into proportionately greater spending power than that enjoyed by European workers. Although American incomes have grown faster, the cost of many domestic services has also risen more quickly while Europeans have benefited from lower costs of imported US digital services. Consequently, the gap in what Europeans could buy with an hour's work, relative to Americans, has narrowed.

This helps to explain why 62% of Europeans believe they enjoy a better quality of life than the average American.

A majority of Europeans believe quality of life is better here than in the US

Responses to ‘In general, would you say that the quality of life in the EU is currently better or worse than in the US?’

This track record offers no guarantees for the future, not least because it was built in an era of open global trade and relatively stable geopolitics, which are now under strain. Nevertheless, it's a reminder that productivity is not the only measure that matters.

Europe’s productivity gap is also a source of opportunity

This series focuses on the glass half full. Yes, there is another half and Europe still has plenty of work to do. But the picture is not one of decline. Despite weak productivity growth, Europe continues to deliver a good quality of life. It has a clearer diagnosis of its challenges, a broad roadmap for addressing them, and stronger institutions than it did a decade ago. It offers opportunities at both ends of the spectrum: catch-up regions with room to converge and frontier regions operating at the forefront of innovation. From that perspective, Europe's productivity story can be read not as a catalogue of challenges, but as a source of opportunity.

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关键论点
  • 欧洲与美国之间的生产率差距确实存在,但主要集中在信息通信技术/数字领域,占差距的三分之一到一半。
  • 由于欧洲的碎片化基线,促进创新采用和扩散的政策改革在欧洲可能带来更大收益。
  • 自欧元危机以来,欧洲的制度显著加强,包括银行业联盟、ESM和财政一体化。
  • 中欧和东欧显示出快速的生产率追赶,纳入后使总体差距减半。
  • 巴黎、慕尼黑、斯德哥尔摩和爱尔兰部分地区等前沿地区拥有世界领先的创新生态系统。
  • 生产率和福利并不相同;尽管生产率增长较低,欧洲人享有的生活质量与美国相当。
风险
  • 支持过去生产率增长的开放全球贸易和稳定地缘政治时代正面临压力。
  • 制度仍不完善,改革尚未完成。
  • 中东欧未来的追赶不能保证。
  • 生产率增长可能不会转化为福利改善。